Steward's Interpretation of Shoshone/Bannock Subsistence
Although the eastern Snake River Plain was not considered a place of abode except along major waterways, it was flanked by people who made good use of its resources.   The Lemhi and Tukaduka (mountain sheep eater) Shoshone lived in and around the Lemhi Valley, and the Fort Hall Shoshone and Bannock1 , though more nomadic than the Lemhi groups, wintered along the Fort Hall bottoms on the Snake River. In spring and summer, both groups are said to have broken into small, socially fluid groups composed of a few to several related families (smaller groups could more easily feed themselves while moving from resource to resource).  Every year, a group’s composition might change, and families often alternated between various yearly subsistence activities: one summer might be spent collecting roots and trading with the Nez Perce, Flathead, and other Shoshone on the Camas Prairie of the western Snake River Plain; the next summer might be spent to the east, collecting berries, nuts and roots on the way to and from bison hunts in Yellowstone or on the northern plains. Salmon could be obtained to the west on the Snake River below Shoshone Falls. Berries and game were plentiful to the south around Bear River (subsistence resources of the Snake River Plain). Steward recounted:

Whether they went east for buffalo, south...for berries and for hunting, or west for salmon, camass [sic], and trading depended upon individual circumstances.  Also, whether they joined other groups depended upon where and when they traveled and whether they had horses (Steward 1938:203).

Very little is known about the culture and subsistence of pre-horse aboriginal groups in this area.   Steward (1938) and others have surmised that the Northern Shoshone culture of the pre-horse era (most of their history) would have been similar to, though more nomadic than, that of the Western Shoshone of the western Snake River Plain and eastern Oregon in the historic era, for these people remained unmounted even after their eastern relatives chose the equestrian lifestyle. Bannock and Northern Shoshone groups (including both Lemhi and Fort Hall Shoshone) had horses by the early 1700’s (Murphy and Murphy 1960). It is not clear whether acquisition of the horse radically changed subsistence activities, but it seems that it significantly altered social structures especially among those groups that traveled east for bison. Whereas the family and small group were the most efficient economic units throughout the Great Basin, larger group solidarity and cooperation were necessary features of a successful bison hunt, and were in turn made possible by the increased wealth (measured chiefly in horses and bison robes) and the ensuing need to protect that wealth from enemy groups.

Shoshone cultural distinctiveness at the east and west ends of the Snake River Plain, especially in terms of subsistence strategies, was the result of environmental differences.   The Snake River Plain becomes less and less arid as one travels west to east. Prior to 1840, bison were found chiefly in the northeastern portion of the Plain and hardly at all toward the west, owing primarily to a lack of feed (Steward 1938).  Likewise, horses that were acquired by those living on the western Plain tended to eat “the very plants upon which people depended” and so were usually eaten themselves rather than used in further quests for food (Steward 1938). In contrast, the horse must have fit easily into the already nomadic lifestyle of the Northern Shoshone, whose access to bison was only limited by speed and the element of surprise.   Here, the horse provided a mode by which human beings could better adapt themselves to their environment, thus increasing their ability to exploit its myriad resources.   In the Lemhi Valley, on the northeastern Snake River Plain, on the Fort Hall bottoms, and all along the upper Snake River, there was plenty of grass to support an expanding equestrian lifestyle. On the eastern Plain, human and horse ecologies were compatible, whereas on the western Plain, they were not (Steward 1938:230-237).
1The Shoshone and Bannock of the Fort Hall area, historically and to some extent prehistorically, wintered together in the vicinity of Fort Hall. They often joined forces with each other and with other Shoshone in hunting, gathering, trading, and defending themselves against the Blackfoot and Crow. Although they were socio-politically similar, they were and are linguistically distinct groups: the Shoshone language is more closely related to Ute and Gosiute; Bannock stems from Northern Paiute. However, both are Numic languages, whose stock was originally found in southern California and subsequently spread east and north in a much debated phenomenon known among anthropologists as the “Numic Expansion.”

 


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